Young People s Understandings Of Men s Violence Against Women

By Nancy Lombard

  • Genre : Politics and Sociology
  • Publisher :
  • ISBN : 978 1472419910
  • Year : 2015
  • Language: English


Young People s Understandings of Men s Violence Against Women For my children Young People s Understandings of Men s Violence Against Women Nancy Lombard Glasgow Caledonian University UK Nancy Lombard 2015 All rights reserved No part of this publication may be reproduced stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means electronic mechanical photocopying recording or otherwise without the prior permission of the publisher Nancy Lombard has asserted her right under the Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 to be identified as the author of this work Published by Ashgate Publishing Limited Ashgate Publishing Company Wey Court East 110 Cherry Street Union Road Suite 3-1 Farnham Burlington VT 05401-3818 Surrey GU9 7PT USA England www ashgate com British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library The Library of Congress has cataloged the printed edition as follows Lombard Nancy 1977 Young people s understandings of men s violence against women by Nancy Lombard pages cm Includes bibliographical references and index ISBN 978-1-4724-1991-0 hardback ISBN 978-1-4724-1992-7 ebook ISBN 978-1-47241993-4 epub 1 Women Violence against 2 Violence in men I Title HV6250 4 W65L66 2015 362 82 92 dc23 2014042386 ISBN 9781472419910 hbk ISBN 9781472419927 ebk PDF ISBN 9781472419934 ebk ePUB Printed in the United Kingdom by Henry Ling Limited at the Dorset Press Dorchester DT1 1HD Contents Acknowledgements vii 1 Violence 1 2 Childhood 17 3 Research Methodology 33 4 Gender Constructions 67 5 Real Violence by Real Men Naturalising Masculinity 97 6 Processes of Normalisation Distancing Unreal and Proximate Violence 121 7 Heterosexuality Gender and Adulthood Justifications of Violence 147 8 A Change is Gonna Come 177 Bibliography 191 Index 213 This page has been left blank intentionally Acknowledgements Writing these acknowledgements is something I have really been looking forward to It confirms that the process is almost over and provides an opportunity to reflect upon the journey and all those that have helped me along the way This book arises from my doctoral thesis and the many talks and discussions I have given about the findings Firstly I would like to thank all the young people who took part in this research Without their input enthusiasm and time this book would not have been possible I would like to say a big thank you to Linda McKie for giving me the original life-changing opportunity of the PhD and for always believing that I could do it I am grateful to the many wonderful colleagues I have met since moving back into academia who I now count as good friends Dave Gadd Liz Jagger John Stewart Jeni Harden Louise Dobbie Rachel Russell Alice MacLean Lani Russell Angela O Hagan Susan Batchelor Lesley McMillan Sarah Morton Oona Brooks Clare McFeely Melanie McCarry Andrew Paterson Evan Stark and Anne Flitcraft Nel Whiting deserves a special mention for her unrelenting enthusiasm when mine was seriously waning and for providing that initial platform at Scottish Women s Aid to disseminate my findings Thanks also to those who work in the VAW sector Lesley Orr Ellie Hutchinson Jenny Kemp Laura Thomson Mhairi McGowan and Marsha Scott for providing opportunities training ideas and inspiration Also to the women and children at North Kensington Women s Aid and Burnley Women s Aid your lives determination and resilience inspired me to try and make a difference Thanks also to my friends in particular Karen Claire Jim Alison Ali Christine and Gill who have been my rocks over the years providing shoulders laughter and fizzy wine Thank you also to my Roy His absolute conviction and belief in me has meant more than he will ever know There is a feminist saying that behind every successful woman is a man who tried to stop her Well behind me is a good loving gentle and beautiful man who has supported me every step of the way he really is a star I would also like to say a big thank you to all my family who weren t always sure what it was that I was doing but knew it was taking a long time Dad Dave Jenny and the rest of you Also to my mum for always looking after me encouraging my education those countless phone calls and for helping me in ways only my mum can In part much of my interest in this area arose because Young People s Understandings of Men s Violence Against Women m 7 co book77 ebooks www e free of the family my mum grew up in A family which produced four very strongminded inspiring women who each dealt with abuse in very different ways So Grandma Mary Aunty Frances Aunty Pat and mum this continues to be my journey for you And finally this book is for my children for whom I continue in my quest to change the world Dylan Milo Autumn Mary and Baby Bombard viii Chapter 1 Violence Violence against women is not the result of random individual acts of misconduct but rather is deeply rooted in structural relationships of inequality between women and men United Nations 2006 This book examines how young er people aged 11 and 12 define construct and understand violence specifically men s violence against women incorporating physical emotional sexual psychological and economic abuses and including domestic violence and abuse Men s violence against women is both a socially constructed and endorsed social problem As such the solutions to challenging and preventing it lie within those same systems of constructed power and gendered inequity The research upon which this book is based enabled young people to explore their own understandings of violence against women and in doing so how this relates to their constructions of normative gendered roles Gender and violence pervade and shape young people s social relations and understandings very powerfully already informing both their own understandings and at times their own actions McCarry 2010 Barter 2014 Gadd 2014 Gadd et al 2014 By using the broad term of men s violence against women the gendered dynamics inherent within the concept of violence are made explicit A short discussion of domestic violence and abuse is undertaken in this introductory chapter to explain why it was necessary to include the terms within the research whilst also highlighting the need to broaden the scope to include all forms of violence against women Purpose of the Book There are two aims of this book The first is to confront and challenge the everyday occurrence and acceptability of the social problem of men s violence against women Stanko 1985 It is an issue that impacts upon everyone not only the lives of adults or those who are judged old enough to talk about it As young people have generally not been given the power to define violence here they are afforded the ability to name violence Kelly 1988 as they understand it Enabling young people to engage with the discursive issues of men s violence against women and explore their own perceptions can be one way to look beyond the public or powerful appropriation of the concept Part of their Young People s Understandings of Men s Violence Against Women m 7 co book77 ebooks www e free construction involved drawing upon their own experiential knowledge and everyday understandings which may be at odds with dominant discourses or officially recognised definitions Specifically this book will examine how young people aged 11 and 12 name and define men s violence against women and interpret how they explain and account for its occurrence The second aim is to challenge the perception that 11- and 12-year-olds are too young to know about violence or to offer opinions on it This is achieved in two ways by finding ways to talk to younger people about men s violence and through confronting preconceptions of younger people s existing knowledge capabilities and understanding thereby demonstrating that this is an area that young people can happily and confidently participate in using appropriate research methods Defining and Naming Violence There are differing debates around the actual defining of violence men s violence and domestic violence demonstrating how such definitions have concurrently both shaped people s understanding and been indicative of the advancement of the feminist project Lombard and Whiting 2015 Violence can take many forms it can be legally sanctioned or condemned with various intentions or motives power political accident repercussion and retaliation Violence can involve a myriad of behaviours and a multitude of consequences physical injuries emotional abuses personal and sexual violations or material deprivations That certain acts of men s violence are still considered understandable defensible and honourable demonstrates that particular discourses still endorse some expressions of men s violence Gill 2013 Lombard 2013b 2014 The historical legacy of the UK and other western countries evidenced through religious legal and social and political examples accepted endorsed and legalised men s right to control and physically chastise their partner and children Clark 1992 Lentz 1999 For example in law children may still be chastised using reasonable force Children Scotland Bill 1995 It is argued here that young people s views are significant because they are living in a time and a culture where many aspects of men s violence against women are outwardly condemned and are subject to consequence There have been numerous studies that have looked at interpersonal violence seeking to label men and women as equal combatants Gelles 1983 1987 1993 1997 Straus et al 1980 undertaking mutual acts of aggression Fergusson et al 2005 1 116 and endorsing women as being as violent as men see Steinmetz 1977 1978 Continuous research contradicts this gender symmetric view of violence as well as disputing the role of women as equal aggressors Gadd et al 2002 Johnson 2005 McFeely 2013 Stark 2007 2 Violence Men s Violence Against Women Gendered Violence The term men s violence is used in this book Hearn 1998 and others see Kimmel 1987 have argued for the need to focus upon men and not maleness To do so renders such violence innate and therefore the options for change are limited It is important however that in appropriating the term men s violence we do not detract from the behaviour and actions of boys Gender is integral to the way we speak conceptualise and challenge violence Stanko 2006 551 whether it is violence that is experienced perpetrated or witnessed Gender is significant because men s violence is so often treated as gender neutral through terms such as spousal abuse date rape sexual harassment marital rape battery and child sexual abuse Hague and Malos 1998 Skinner et al 2005 maintain the use of gender violence is a more inclusive term than men s violence against women as the definition does not restrict itself to women but engages with the theoretical connection between violence and gender relations thus including gay and lesbian people as well as children and young people The term gender violence also incorporates a wider definition of abuses and violations including prostitution and trafficking as well as violence where women are the perpetrators Skinner et al 2005 3 A gendered analysis of men s violence views it as a manifestation of male power that is replicated and endorsed through individual experiences and wider structural inequalities Dobash and Dobash 1979 1994 Radford and Kelly 1996 Rowland and Klein 1990 This gendered system of power is termed patriarchy or patriarchal relations Hearn 1998 1999 Lovenduski and Randall 1993 Rowland and Klein 1990 and is propagated through embedded social and gendered practices and institutions It is important to acknowledge the importance of Connell s term patriarchal relations that compensates for many of the shortcomings of the initial concept of patriarchy Here the two concepts interchangeably whilst embracing the elaborated dynamics of Connell s term In viewing patriarchy as a series of relations we are more able to conceptualise its cross-cultural dynamic and relational status and thus encapsulate its spatial and temporal diversity This system perpetuates legitimates and sustains the powerful position of men as both a group and as individuals Gender is the most significant risk factor for domestic abuse Dobash and Dobash 2004 Johnson 1995 2005 Stark 2007 meaning that women are more likely to experience violence from their intimate or ex partners than men are This indicates is that the intimate violence is taking place within wider structures of gender inequality Gender is important in any analysis of violence because men and women use violence in different ways and have different motivations for doing so Hester 2009 Gender has been identified as a key component in previous studies looking at young people s views of men s violence Burton et al 1998 Burman and 3 Young People s Understandings of Men s Violence Against Women m 7 co book77 ebooks www e free Cartmel 2006 Dublin Women s Aid 1999 Kelly et al 1991 McCarry 2003 2007 2010 alongside wider studies looking at societal attitudes For example Kenway and Fitzclarence 1997 found that men s violence against women was legitimated as an accepted part of normative gender roles it is part of how men are and what they do This book proposes that young people s position in childhood impacts upon how they construct and understand men s violence against women and that they draw upon gender to explain certain forms of violence However to do this these constructions of gender are also dependent upon the temporal and spatial positioning of the young people in relation to the violence Naming Violence Kelly 1988 developed the concept of the continuum of violence which discouraged the generation of a hierarchy for forms of violence and abuse As a theoretical framework it also succeeded in merging the gendered spheres by illuminating the notion that men s normative behaviour and women s oppression crossed these spatial boundaries Kelly sought to highlight that these examples of men s behaviour however commonplace for both men and women were not normal or acceptable and needed to be named and challenged as wrong In doing so the continuum facilitated the labelling of apparently normal behaviour as part of men s ability and choice to control conceptualising commonalities experienced by many women and girls in their day to day lives by enabl ing women to make sense of their own experiences by showing how typical and aberrant male behaviour shade into one another Kelly 1988 75 Kelly s definition is highly relevant to my research in that it contextualises violence and abuse as something that is not always experienced or acknowledged as violent at the time The temporal aspect of this definition is relevant also because of the age of the participants and their own constructions of time and age In the development of the feminist movement women have seized the power of naming This is a revolutionary power because in naming describing what is done to us and inevitably to children and men as well we are also naming what must change The act of naming creates a new world view The power of naming resides in the fact that we name what we see from the basis of our own experience within and outside patriarchal culture simultaneously Ward 1984 212 The feminist project of naming involves making visible what was invisible defining as unacceptable what was acceptable and insisting what was naturalised 4 Violence is problematic Kelly 1988 139 It enables women to name understand and challenge what has happened or is happening to them by moving the private into the public domain and shifting the boundaries of acceptable and unacceptable behaviour This research endorses the feminist arguments of naming of knowledge and of power Dobash and Dobash 1979 Kelly 1988 Stanley and Wise 1993 by locating the young people within a framework that recognises and respects their own language understandings and situated knowledge Indeed it is through lived experiences of childhood that young people explore their own understandings and constructions of violence with such experiences also informing their knowledge of normative gender roles Renold 2005 Dobash and Dobash maintain such knowledge is critical in understanding the everyday nature of male violence l ocating violence in the midst of daily life demands a focus on the mundane the ordinary rather than the extraordinary the conflicts of interest embedded in daily life and the rationales and justifications of perpetrators as well as the reactions and responses of victims Dobash and Dobash 1992 142 As such Kelly s continuum is useful as a tool in this research to name and locate men s violence by generating a means to situate it within everyday life The concept also incorporates the temporal and spatial characteristics of men s violence in that the violence may occur over time or is located a long time in the past or can impinge upon present and future lives For example Kelly 1988 23 claims the experience and or naming of violence is not always an immediate or present one rather it can be experienced by the woman or girl at the time or later as a threat invasion or assault This is relevant in enabling young people themselves to have a role in the naming of behaviour that they may understand as problematic or not recognised by others particularly those in authority However Hearn 1999 131 argues against laying the task of naming solely at the door of women He maintains that they may have normalised the events and therefore find it difficult to challenge this or to link it to public discourses of violence that do not reflect their own experiences Instead Hearn argues for the involvement of men in this process to compel them to recognise their own actions and consequences as violent and abusive The involvement of all men and boys is necessary for this reason and is one step in the direction of countering the huge personal interpersonal and social costs of violence that continue to be borne by women and their supporters This journey has begun with the promotion of non-violent masculinities and the continued contribution of men in the movement for example the White Ribbon Campaign and the UN Women campaign He For She As such it should also 5 Young People s Understandings of Men s Violence Against Women m 7 co book77 ebooks www e free be the responsibility of men and boys to also recognise their behaviour as unacceptable Encouraging men to challenge their own and others behaviour highlights the potential dynamism of men s role in changing the patriarchal relations of society As Connell 1995 2000 has claimed the structures of patriarchy thrive on women s resistance and men s acceptance The Magnitude of the Problem The United Nations states that there are three areas where men s violence against women manifests itself within the family within the community and that perpetrated by the state Violence against women is remains pervasive worldwide It is the most atrocious manifestation of the systematic discrimination and inequality women continue to face in law and in their everyday lives around the word It occurs in every region country and culture regardless of income class race or ethnicity United Nations UN secretary-general Kofi Annan 2005 Unlike men who are most likely to be victims of stranger assaults and violence women and children are attacked beaten raped and killed by their family and partners Department of Health 2000 World Health Organisation 2005 with the patterns and types of violence illustrating the persuasive inequalities between men and women Bond and Philips 2000 Globally nationally and locally men s violence against women is endemic within all societies At least one out of every three women has been beaten coerced into sex or otherwise abused in her lifetime Usually the abuser is a member of her own family or someone known to her Amnesty International 2004 Women are identified as the most heavily abused group being more likely to experience interpersonal violence especially violence of a sexualised nature including rape and sexual assault Walby and Allen 2004 World Health Organization 2005 Watts and Zimmerman 2002 Murder statistics indicate that on average two women a week are killed by a current or former partner in the UK Flood-Page et al 2003 Scottish Government Statistical Bulletin 2013 In 2014 the Europe wide study by the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights found that one in three women have experienced abuse in their lifetime one in ten within the past 12 months Findings from the British Crime Survey Walby and Allen 2004 reveal that almost one in two 45 per cent women has experienced some form of domestic violence sexual assault or stalking illustrating again that gender is a significant risk factor in 6 Violence victimisation The England and Wales Crimes Survey EWCS reported that 1 2 million women had experienced domestic violence in 2011 2012 Dar 2013 In 2012 2013 the police in Scotland attended a domestic incident every nine minutes accounting for 15 per cent of all violent crime in Scotland In this same period 60 080 domestic incidents were recorded with 60 per cent of incidents involving a repeat offender There were 11 domestic abuse related homicides 313 attempted murders and serious assaults and 248 sexual offences recorded Scottish Government Statistical Bulletin 2013 The gendered trends of this violence and the systematic power inequalities that it re produces illustrates the global and national scale at which women and girls suffer abuse at the hands of men known to them However official data cannot provide a full analysis of the true extent of men s violence against women as it is both under reported and under recorded Kelly et al 2006 as well as being so deeply embedded in cultures that it is almost invisible UNICEF 1997 41 Whilst clear categories and definitions are important for statistical and research purposes we must never forget that these are abstract analytic concepts developed for a specific purpose to count the extent of violence They do not reflect experiential reality which is always more complex Kelly 2000 Domestic Violence Enough is Enough conference London October Websdale et al 1998 also argue that the magnitude of such violence cannot simply be documented through the use of official or hidden figures alone but needs to be viewed in conjunction with women s social economic and political subjugation This relationship can be achieved through the application of sociological theory and understanding to the phenomena of men s violence against women Much of the violence remains hidden or unreported because of a reluctance to report for fear of being disbelieved or being doubly victimised by the criminal justice system and also because of a lack of faith in the low rates of conviction Lees 1993 McMillan 2013 Statistics also remain partial because of the process by which they are collated and the methods by which categories of violence are determined and defined Discrepancies also arise from the use of conflicting definitions methodologies measurements and contexts Johnson 1998 Walby and Myhill 2001 Dar 2013 Some forms of abuse that women may experience are not labelled as violence by legal codes or frameworks and thus are not classified as crimes Indeed as Greenan 2004 18 astutely asserts some areas of women s experience remain invisible in any attempt at counting Even when instances of violence reach the definitive realms of the criminal 7 Young People s Understandings of Men s Violence Against Women m 7 co book77 ebooks www e free justice system they may then be no crimed see Lees 1997 1 or the charges downgraded Global agencies such as Amnesty International have attempted to counter localised and judicial discrepancies by declaring that all violence against women should be seen as a violation of their human rights leading to the creation of new international standards and practice such as the definition of rape as a war crime and a crime against humanity in the statutes of international crime tribunals Amnesty International 2004 with such violence consistently viewed as the most universal human rights violation Bond and Philips 2000 Locating Men s Violence Against Women Domestic Abuse Domestic violence has been recognised as the most prevalent form of violence against women Orr 2007 in its various guises and perpetrations domestic violence has both received far more attention and has been more defined as a gendered crime in recent government guidance and legislation than any other kind of men s violences Hearn et al 2002 211 Thus it is often crucial to separate domestic violence from other forms of violence so as not to as Kelly suggests engender a contradiction There is however a contradiction at the heart of treating domestic violence as a crime like any other because it isn t The fact that it takes place in private between parties who have had an intimate relationship and may be connected to each other in complicated ways makes a difference Kelly 2000 Some government departments agencies and voluntary groups use the terms men s violence against women and domestic violence concurrently while others specify the use of one or the other In common with psychosocial models see Bacchi 1999 it is questionable whether it is useful to construct violence against women as a subset of general societal violence Whilst the issues are not wholly separate and there are elements of all forms of violence and abuse that overlap with others domestic violence has received particular attention both theoretically and through policy and practice in Scotland where this research is based Indeed Stanko 2006 546 insists that familiarity between perpetrator and victim disables a language of criminal harm It is important here to acknowledge domestic violence as a form of men s violence that has been traditionally and theoretically positioned within the private sphere historically and socially 1 This describes the process whereby the incident is reported but does not proceed to court 8 Violence located as a women s place thus associating it with restricted forms of gendered social practice McKie 2005 has argued that the term domestic violence has significant shortcomings as an analytical concept It is a degendered concept that emphasises the physicality of violent acts rather than identifying emotional and financial abuses as well as its cumulative and repetitive nature It also alludes to the space of the violence as being within the domestic sphere of the home aligning women with the domestic and glossing over the intimate relationship between offender and victim 2 In doing so the lesser value placed upon the private sphere and the gendered alignment of a woman s place are emphasised The home is also referred to as a safe haven away from the everyday violences of public life The significance of space and place were explored throughout this research In using the term spatiality I am arguing against space as simply a physical entity or boundary such as the home or the street and instead focusing upon social and spatial practices and the use of space see Harvey 1993 As such space and place are identified as socio-cultural constructions rather than physical locations Yet focusing upon domestic violence as a specific form of men s violence against women has proved of critical importance in generating awareness and political activity and it was for this reason that the young people are asked specifically about their knowledge of the terms domestic violence and domestic abuse It is also crucial to note how more recent theoretical developments have both grappled with the shortcomings of the terms domestic abuse and domestic violence whilst also consolidating the significance of the gendered definition most notably Stark s 2007 theory of coercive control Stark 2007 and Johnson s paradigm 2005 2008 of intimate terrorism Stark defines coercive control as a strategic course of self-interested behaviour designed to secure and expand gender-based privileged by establishing a regime of domination in personal life useful to subdivide its tactical dynamics into those used to hurt and intimidate victims and those designed to isolate and control them 2013 21 He maintains it is a liberty crime that prevents women from exercising their social economic and political rights and responsibilities Women are unequal in violence because they are unequal in society in terms of the resources and opportunities they can access therefore recognising the broader social context in which the violence takes place is crucial Stark 2007 Johnson and Kelly 2 This research recognises the use of the feminist term survivor to describe women s strength and agency in dealing with male violence and abuse but uses the word victim here as it was the term most commonly used and understood by the young people 9 Young People s Understandings of Men s Violence Against Women m 7 co book77 ebooks www e free 2008 support this view maintaining that the meaning of violence differs greatly depending upon the gender of the perpetrator and that because heterosexual relationships are rooted in patriarchy they further validate men s power Johnson s term intimate terrorism describes a pattern of coercive control by one partner over another Physical violence is one of the ways perpetrators gain control within this pattern Thus although situational couple violence is nearly gender symmetric and not strongly related to gender attitudes intimate terrorism domestic violence is almost entirely male perpetrated and is strongly related to gender attitudes men s violence produces more frequent and more severe injuries thereby producing a fear or even terror that is quite rare when women are violent toward their male partners Johnson 2005 1 128 29 Official Definitions Definitions and constructions of violence against women are culturally historically and spatially specific Hester et al 2004 The research was conducted in Glasgow the city in which both the research participants and I live Scotland has recognised the social problem of domestic abuse within the continuum of violence against women as a form of gender based violence In so doing it explicitly acknowledges domestic abuse as an issue which disproportionately affects women and is overwhelmingly perpetrated by men and is associated with long-held cultural assumptions about the roles of men and women in society Gadd et al 2002 Lombard 2013a McFeely et al 2013 The social and political context of Scotland is of note as it is the only country in the UK to recognise and facilitate a gender-based definition see National Strategy to Address Domestic Abuse in Scotland Scottish Executive 2000 and Preventing Violence Against Women Action Across the Scottish Executive Scottish Executive 2001 thereby acknowledging the broader gender inequalities which women face Scottish Executive 2000 Domestic abuse as gender based abuse can be perpetrated by partners or expartners and can include physical abuse assault and physical attack involving a range of behaviour sexual abuse acts which degrade and humiliate women and are perpetrated against their will including rape and mental and emotional abuse such as threats verbal abuse racial abuse withholding money and other types of controlling behaviour such as isolation from family and friends Domestic abuse is associated with broader gender inequality and should be understood in its historical context whereby societies have given greater status wealth influence control and power to men It is part of a range of behaviours 10 Violence constituting male abuse of power and is linked to other forms of male violence Scottish Executive 2000 5 The adoption of the term abuse in 2000 was intended to better reflect the range of behaviours enacted by perpetrators to control their partners It highlights that such abuse need not be physical and includes emotional psychological and financial tactics all of which are used to create compliance in a partner In Scotland domestic abuse is set within a wider framework which acknowledges the influence of gender on men and women s lives the decisions they may make the status accorded them and the relationship between them It is important to link together women s experience of abuse through public and private spheres in order to illustrate the extensive nature of men s violence and the different types of abusive behaviours Kelly and Radford 1996 The Westminster government updated their definition of domestic violence in 2013 The main differences are their lack of gendered definition and the inclusion of those aged 16 and over within the parameters of it Any incident or pattern of incidents of controlling coercive or threatening behaviour violence or abuse between those aged 16 or over who are or have been intimate partners or family members regardless of gender or sexuality This can encompass but is not limited to the following types of abuse psychological physical sexual financial emotional Controlling behaviour is a range of acts designed to make a person subordinate and or dependent by isolating them from sources of support exploiting their resources and capacities for personal gain depriving them of the means needed for independence resistance and escape and regulating their everyday behaviour Coercive behaviour is an act or a pattern of acts of assault threats humiliation and intimidation or other abuse that is used to harm punish or frighten their victim This definition which is not a legal definition includes so called honour based violence female genital mutilation FGM and forced marriage and is clear that victims are not confined to one gender or ethnic group Home Office 2013 11

Author Nancy Lombard Isbn 978 1472419910 File size 1 5 MB Year 2015 Pages 219 Language English File format PDF Category Politics and Sociology Globally nationally and locally men s violence against women is an endemic social problem and an enduring human rights issue Unlike men who are most likely to be victims of stranger assaults and violence official data shows that women are most likely to be attacked beaten raped and killed by men known to them either partners or family members Re